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Month: June 2022
To Deal Or Not To Deal – The Maritime Boundary Negotiations
Reports from international media indicate that Lebanon may be ready to consider compromising with Israel over resolution of the disputed areas to achieve a final deal over their shared maritime gas resources. The information was leaked to Reuters by three Lebanese officials with knowledge on the matter. American Senior Energy Advisor, Amos Hochstein is mediating on behalf of the United States since, technically, Israel and Lebanon are still at war and have not participated in direct negotiations that would bring about an acceptable settlement.
In fact, on June 14, Hochstein was pictured with Ambassador Dorothy Shea and Lebanese President Michel Aoun discussing the details of where the final line should be drawn between the two states. The negotiations stalled last year, after Lebanon made a demand that expanded its claim by 1,400 sq kilometers, necessitating the restart of a proactive US role to mediate the negotiations.
Tel Aviv’s position is that the commercially productive field called Karish is within its exclusive economic zone, while Lebanon’s position is that it is in contested waters and should be untouched until the maritime border is completely delineated. A Greek-flagged vessel belonging to the London-based Energean (ENOG.L) arrived to develop a gas field in Karish, triggering Beirut’s objections. The Lebanese government invited Hochstein to Beirut in mid-June to revitalize the talks after it condemned the arrival of the ship.
The US Envoy described the situation as “delicate,” but felt reassured by a proposal presented from Lebanese President Michel Aoun, which expanded Lebanon’s claim to include the Qana field adjacent to Karish which would allow for both countries to have access to productive zones. Lebanese leaders seem to be in unison on the issue, which Hochstein praised as reflecting their “serious efforts,” and desire to begin development of natural gas.
However, the popularity of the deal is not as uniform as the government’s position makes it appear.
Two days before the Hochstein’s arrival, hundreds of people and several Lebanese lawmakers demonstrated in the south of Lebanon against surrendering the Karish field to Israel as part of a finalized deal.
In addition to meeting with the Cabinet of Ministers, Hochstein also had a separate meeting with a delegation of independent members of Parliament whose reform agenda is built on the initial demands of the October 17 protest movements. They expressed their dissatisfaction with President Aoun’s conceding Lebanon’s claim based on Line 29 and believe the caretaker government was wrong to forfeit Lebanon’s claim to it. They asked questions regarding the protection of Lebanon’s natural resources and benefits to the Lebanese people. MP Melhem Khalaf spoke on behalf of the group, saying the people invested their trust to have their rights served and honored. The discussion centered on the controversial Line 29 and the need to negotiate from a position of strength, and not make any decisions out of fear of Israeli threats.
To gain insight into the position of the Independent members, I spoke with MP Najat Saliba, who participated in the meeting, who told me her view is that Line 29 should have never been given up.
Firas Hamdan read a statement on behalf of 13 independent parliamentarians, most of whom were elected last month, where they expressed their refusal “to neglect Lebanon’s maritime resources, which belong to all Lebanese.”
President Aoun assured the MPs that Lebanon will reject intimidation from Israel and that they will have their opportunity to vote on any final deal in Parliament.
The preservation of Lebanon’s sovereignty and natural wealth should not and must never be compromised for the sake of making a deal. Its leaders have a legal and moral responsibility to ensure all is being done to protect the nation’s vital wealth for the next generations to come. Only time will tell if that is the case.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in these articles are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the American Task Force on Lebanon, a non-profit, nonpartisan leadership organization of Lebanese-Americans.
Correction: The line referring to Lebanon’s demand of expanding its territorial claim was corrected to 1,400 sq kilometers from 1,400 kilometers, as originally published on June 30, 2022.
Lebanon Daily News Brief 06/29/2022
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Lebanon Daily News Brief 06/28/2022
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Lebanon Daily News Brief 06/27/2022
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Lebanon Daily News Brief 06/24/2022
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This Week In Lebanon: 06/25/2022
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Lebanon’s Dilemma – Syrian Refugees Are Not Going Away
Depending on whose numbers you reference, the estimated population of Syrian refugees in Lebanon varies from 900,000 to 1.5 million. At the May 2022 Brussels Conference for Supporting Syria and the Region, Lebanon again called for these refugees to return to Syria. According to the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies (LCPS) “Earlier that month, it also formally announced to the UNHCR that the country can no longer host Syrian refugees, largely due to unfulfilled financial pledges and Lebanon’s ongoing and deep economic crisis.”
With areas of Syria increasingly under the control of the Assad government, some wonder why there has not been refugee resettlement in those pacified areas. The answers are political, humanitarian, and legal. International law on refugee resettlement provides three options: voluntary return, relocation to a third country, or integration into the host country.
Additionally, there are protections written into international law that limit refugees’ movement. They are generally not allowed to travel back to their home country. Refugee protection is granted on the presumption that it is unsafe to return. Going back would imply that the situation to Syria has improved and refugee status is not necessary anymore. This is the anomaly with Syrian refugees in Lebanon, some thousands of whom transit between Syria and Lebanon for family visits, emergencies, and other reasons.
Geographically, some of the safer areas are far away from Lebanon, creating even more challenges to a quick return scenario.
For refugee return, the basic condition is that any permanent return must be voluntary, safe, and dignified, incorporating a right-based approach based on secure passage, the return of property that can be legally identified, compensation for destruction or illegal transfer of property ownership, and the absence of penalties for fleeing, such as having to serve in the army.
In the case of Syrian refugees and others who fled war-ravaged areas, there is also the principle of non-refoulement, which says those who seek asylum may not be returned to a country in which there are reasonable grounds to believe they will be subjected to persecution.
Human Rights Watch, in one of its 2021 reports noted that, “Syrian refugees who voluntarily returned to Syria between 2017 and 2021 from Lebanon and Jordan faced grave human rights abuses and persecution at the hands of Syrian government and affiliated militias, including torture, extra-judicial killings, and kidnappings.”
Despite misinformation claiming that Syrian refugees in Lebanon are better off than their Lebanese counterparts, in fact their deprivations exceed that of the Lebanese. They share the same misery in inflated food costs which have now exceeded more than 400%, “while [the costs] of diesel for electricity and petrol for automobiles has skyrocketed. Bread and vegetable oil – two key staples in Levantine cuisine – have especially become more expensive because of both the country’s spiraling economic crisis and the war in Ukraine.”
While more than 75% of the Lebanese live below the poverty line, 90% of the refugees live in extreme poverty, according to the United Nations. As of April, the UN’s refugee agency in Lebanon has only been able to secure 13% of its $534m budget for the year. Yet, since 2015, over $9 billion in assistance has come from all over the world and international donors. Currently, the UN works with 15 international, 9 national, and 3 UN agencies on the ground. The latest surveys indicate that 97% are food insecure with many not buying enough food due to a drop in aid. The refugees are reporting that 72% are in debt and 57% have lost their income entirely, exceeding the high levels punishing Lebanese families.
The story for the poor Lebanese and the Syrian refugees is similar. Whether it is comparing food insecurity, the lack of available health care and education, or human and civil rights abuses, both populations are suffering. Although the Lebanese have their homes, families, communities, and citizenship – which affords them some quality of life and access to support – they are all being deprived of their dignity and their hope.
Irrespective of one’s political stance, the unsustainable condition of the refugees and their impact on Lebanon is an indisputable and intolerable burden on the socio-economic environment. While the pressure from the Russia-Ukraine crisis intensifies and many more are being added to the worldwide refugee population, Lebanon cannot afford the distraction that has been created by the shoring up of the Ukrainian people. Hopefully, the Syrian refugee question will not be forgotten or ignored as the new government seeks to mold a bold plan for Lebanon’s future.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in these articles are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the American Task Force on Lebanon, a non-profit, nonpartisan leadership organization of Lebanese-Americans.
Lebanon Daily News Brief 06/23/2022
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Lebanon Daily News Brief 06/22/2022
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